India made history with its
Chandrayaan-3 mission soft
landing near the moon’s south pole, becoming the fourth nation to successfully
complete a lunar landing and the first to do so in that part of the moon. Last
month’s accomplishment has sparked a flurry of debates, especially in the
Western media, questioning the rationale behind a developing country investing
in space exploration.
اضافة اعلان
Yet the moon mission was not just a technological triumph.
Executed at a cost lower than the production budget of some Hollywood
blockbusters, the moon mission has underscored India’s burgeoning capabilities
for cost-effective innovation, further solidifying its position as a global
leader in
space technology.
The moon harbors valuable minerals, like lithium, nickel,
and platinum, which have far-reaching applications, from the ongoing global
energy transition to various industries like electronics and aerospace. The
existing space economy is already reported to be worth at least $469 billion,
covering goods and services produced in space for use on Earth. This opens a
plethora of opportunities for developing countries like India to not only
advance in scientific research but also to tap into a new avenue for economic
growth. In short, by investing in space technology, India is not merely
advancing its scientific prowess; it is also setting the stage for future
economic growth through potential resource extraction.
India’s achievement is also a massive geopolitical
statement. By successfully landing on the moon, India has joined the ranks of
"astropolitical powers" alongside the United States, China, and
Russia. Amid the ongoing competition between China and the United States, India
is looking to carve out its unique role in reshaping the world order.
However, as more countries turn their eyes to the moon’s
abundant resources, the absence of global norms could lead to a chaotic
scramble for lunar minerals. It is therefore crucial to establish international
guidelines to prevent a Wild West scenario in space exploration. The US-led
Artemis Accords, for instance, aim to provide a framework for peaceful lunar
activities. However, these accords are not universally accepted, highlighting
the urgent need for inclusive international agreements that can govern space
exploration and resource extraction.
For example, while open to Western-led frameworks on space
exploration, India has also been exploring opportunities with the International
Lunar Research Station, an initiative led by China and Russia. This dual
engagement reflects India's nuanced approach to international partnerships in
space exploration, as it seeks to maintain strategic flexibility in a rapidly evolving geopolitical landscape.
Nonetheless, what is significant in India’s signing onto the
Artemis Accords is perhaps a subtle shift in its position on the
non-appropriation principle established by the Outer Space Treaty of 1967. The
principle, a cornerstone of international space law, states that celestial
bodies like the moon cannot be claimed by any state, preventing the
colonization of outer space by a single country. The Artemis Accords by
contrast, while not contradicting the non-appropriation principle, introduces
the concept of “safe zones,” which could allow countries to be in de-facto
possession of specified zones or areas of celestial bodies. How Russia and
China respond to this, is only a matter of time.
While India’s moon landing is seen as a counter to Western
imperialism, it also raises questions about the true meaning of decolonization.
Much of the decolonization narrative is justified. The Western press has not
done itself any favors by questioning whether India’s developmental needs would
have been better served by focusing on health care, infrastructure, and on
ameliorating its social problems. In 2014, when India successfully put a
robotic probe into orbit around Mars, the New York Times carried a blatantly
racist cartoon showing a man with a cow knocking on a door of a room marked
Elite Space Club (the newspaper subsequently apologized after a furore).
Racism in Western media, particularly that of its public
intellectuals, was on public display during the initial stages of the Ukraine
conflict. Western media personalities openly referred to the fact that
Ukrainians, on account of their physical appearance, were “civilized” and “look
like us.” The implication was, particularly when compared to images of the
chaos that followed America’s withdrawal from Afghanistan, that Ukrainian lives
mattered more than those of Afghans and other people fleeing conflicts in
Africa, the Middle East, and Asia.
None of this is new for the peoples of the Global South or
for the regimes that govern them. While India’s moon landing is seen as a
counter to Western imperialism, it also raises questions about the true meaning
of decolonization. Is the narrative being misused to curtail freedoms gained
during the anti-colonial struggle? This is a concern not just for India but for
other formerly colonized countries as well. As the geopolitical rivalry between
China and the US intensifies, countries like India are leveraging this
historical moment to reshape domestic policies under the guise of
decolonization, often at the expense of their own constitutional values. Indian
intellectuals have voiced concerns about this trend.
India’s Chandrayaan-3 mission then is a microcosm of the
larger dynamics at play in the realm of space exploration and geopolitics. From
economic benefits and cost-effective innovation to geopolitical maneuvering and
the process of decolonization, the mission has encapsulated the complexities
and opportunities that come with space exploration. While India’s journey to
the moon offers valuable lessons to all established and aspiring space-faring
powers, it also highlights the urgent necessity of achieving a global consensus
on space exploration.
Dnyanesh Kamat is a political analyst who focuses on the
Middle East and South Asia. He also consults on socio-economic development for
government and private-sector entities. X: @sybaritico
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