On October 12, the White House released a much awaited,
particularly by think tanks and policy analysts, National Security Strategy or
NSS, a document that sets forward the Biden-Harris approach to US response to
global crises, how the US plans to deal with allies in various regions of the
world and its foreign policy foundations regarding both Russia and China, and
how it views its role in a changing world, among others.
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The 48-page document makes for interesting reading,
even though critics say that such a paper is usually issued at the beginning of
the presidency and not more than two years later. The document comes a few
weeks before US voters head for the crucial midterm elections that could render
Joe Biden a lame duck president for the remainder of his first term. Moreover,
the document was released as the US and Europe find themselves embroiled in the
most serious crisis since the collapse of the Soviet Union.
Critics also say that the NSS has been written after
the fact; meaning that the authors had the luxury of looking at how the world
has evolved since Biden took office and were able to make corrections that can
be aligned to the current policy.
Why the White House took so long to deliver it is an
open question. But now that the NSS is made public, one can examine it and hope
to understand what this Democratic administration is trying to achieve in terms
of its foreign policy.
One of the most intriguing reads is the part about
Russia. The NSS says that over the past decade, Moscow has been pursuing an
imperialist foreign policy with the goal of overturning key elements of the
international order. But if analysts and strategists knew this was going on for
decades, why did they not predict Russia’s invasion of Ukraine? Actually, some
US analysts believe the NSS document was ready to be released last February,
but the war in Ukraine took everyone by surprise in Washington and the Russia
part had to be rewritten. We may never know.
What the NSS misses is how the war in Ukraine has
changed the discourse, the dynamics and the foundations of foreign policies
across the world. The NSS talks about the US-European alliance, which is now
under unprecedented strain as a result of an acute energy crisis, rampant
inflation and financing a seemingly never-ending war.
Some of America’s regional allies will try hard to understand how US actions in the region can be reconciled with what it now claims to be its objectives.
The Transatlantic alliance is facing new challenges
as European voters and politicians cast doubt on this costly partnership. The
reality is that the US has the option to isolate itself from the rest of the
world, and focus more on the challenges the southern hemisphere poses to it,
such as illegal immigration and drugs. It can afford to wash its hands of
Europe, just as some Trump surrogates suggest; they say that if they take the
House of Representatives come November, they will not be signing blank checks
to Ukraine.
The NSS also talks about preserving the existing
international order, that is America’s standing as the world’s sole superpower.
It talks about defending the UN Charter as well. On both counts the US track
record is dismal. Enough to think about the invasion of Iraq, the toppling of
the Libyan regime and the humiliating pullout from Afghanistan; under America’s
watch, the world saw many violations of the UN Charter and a capricious
handling and implementation of international law.
The NSS has positive parts, with regard to boosting
international cooperation on climate change, energy security, arms control and
non-proliferation, food insecurity and pandemics, but if the latest US reaction
to a technical decision by OPEC+ to lower oil production is an indication, then
one can see how impulsive US reactions can deviate from the written foreign
policy commitments.
The part on the Middle East is of interest to us. It
talks about eschewing grand designs in favor of more practical steps that can
advance US interests and help regional partners lay the foundation for greater
stability, prosperity, and opportunity for the peoples of the Middle East and the
US. It further talks about setting forth a new framework for US policy in the
region, based on America’s unparalleled comparative advantage in building
partnerships, coalitions, and alliances to strengthen deterrence, while using
diplomacy to de-escalate tensions, reduce risks of new conflicts, and set a
long-term foundation for stability.
Some of America’s regional allies will try hard to
understand how US actions in the region can be reconciled with what it now
claims to be its objectives. The NSS suggests a framework of five principles,
all linked to common defense and regional cooperation. Countries of the region
are already working along these lines without the need for outside help.
But when it comes to the thorniest of issues, the
Israel-Palestine conflict, the NSS tries to set the UN Charter aside and
repeats that the US will continue to promote a viable two-state solution that
preserves Israel’s future as a Jewish and democratic state while meeting
Palestinians’ aspirations for a secure and viable state of their own. When it
comes to this particular conflict, the NSS has little to offer other than the
usual hollow statements that have no value in the real world.
Osama Al Sharif is a journalist and political commentator based in Amman. This article
was first published in the Gulf News.
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