After nearly three months of Israel's war on Gaza, the
occupation forces boasting about victory and the crushing of the Palestinian
resistance group, Hamas, a tone of pessimism and discord now dominates Israeli
political discourse. This shift comes in response to the failure to decisively
end the aggression and the inability to achieve any strategic goals in the
ongoing aggression against the Palestinian people, particularly in the Gaza
Strip, except for unprecedented atrocities in contemporary history.
اضافة اعلان
With a comprehensive view of the situation, it is apparent
that the "achievement of victory" serves the Zionist colonial vision
and aligns with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s government's rapid efforts
to implement its primary political goal. This goal is part of the
American-Israeli purification efforts in the Middle East, encompassing
political and economic aspects. It is also connected to eliminating currents
and forces that oppose and stand against the Western world in implementing its
plans in the region.
This operation can be described as a "Contra-2,"
following the first "Contra" operation executed by the United States,
in collaboration with Israel, in Latin America against progressive and leftist
forces resistant to US dominance over the continent decades ago.
Over the past two decades, discussions have revolved around
statements reflecting the US vision to reshape our region, proposing new maps,
population transfers, and demographic changes for altered geopolitical
boundaries. The current deep and direct American involvement extends prior
engagement in the region, suggesting that the ongoing genocide is not an
isolated incident.
Instead, it is part of a broader strategy aligned with the
US and NATO's "organized chaos" theory, aiming at the concept of the
"New Middle East." This vision, experienced through events like the
"Arab Spring" and the "Abraham Accords," seeks to prevent
challenges to Western dominance, with Israel playing a leading role. It also
fosters renewed competition and challenges from emerging powers, notably China
and Russia, striving to reshape the international world order into a more just
and less hegemonic system. These efforts encapsulate the resurgence of colonial
Western ideas to serve their interests.
Instead, it is part of a broader strategy aligned with the US and NATO's "organized chaos" theory, aiming at the concept of the "New Middle East." This vision, experienced through events like the "Arab Spring" and the "Abraham Accords," seeks to prevent challenges to Western dominance, with Israel playing a leading role. It also fosters renewed competition and challenges from emerging powers, notably China and Russia, striving to reshape the international world order into a more just and less hegemonic system. These efforts encapsulate the resurgence of colonial Western ideas to serve their interests.
For decades, successive US administrations and its deep state have regarded the
Middle East as a center of conflict and instability. They perceive the region
as necessitating American presence to safeguard interests in oil and gas flow,
economic dominance, and the superiority of Israel – "the occupying
state" – to uphold its colonial, political, and security functions.
Consequently, they focused on managing rather than resolving conflicts and
thwarting the establishment of a Palestinian state with East Jerusalem as its
capital, following the international option for a two-state solution on
pre-June 4, 1967 borders.
However, the current US discourse lacks details or
boundaries, presenting a new mirage added to their traditional policies. This
shift comes as the two-state solution, once considered a plausible option,
approaches an unattainable utopia on the ground. The expansion of colonial
settlements and annexation persists, despite growing opposition in the U.S.
public opinion to their administration's policies. These policies aim to hinder
the realization of the right to self-determination for our people on their land,
confining it to the Jewish people in Israel.
Within the broader framework of this concept, Israel finds an opportunity to
expedite its plans. The Zionist National Religious coalition government, known
as the "Early Resolution" plan, based on the Torah-inspired vision of
Joshua Ben Nun, diverts public attention from internal divisions. These
divisions began at the start of the current year with a judicial coup, seen by
many as a threat to "Jewish democracy," causing concerns among
international allies and creating divisions in Israeli society.
The supposed regional adjustment, resulting from the
genocide and comprehensive destruction of Gaza, along with events in the West
Bank and Jerusalem, leading to forced or voluntary displacement, is closely
tied to broader American projects like the "Indo-Pacific Corridor."
This initiative, part of Biden's plan to enhance economic integration between
Asia and the Arabian Gulf through the port of Haifa to Europe, is also related
to the "Ben Gurion Canal" project as an alternative to the Suez
Canal. Additionally, ambitions involve the gas field in Palestinian waters off
the coast of Gaza, settling the gas field issue off the Lebanese coast, and
attempting to reduce the risks of a non-Jewish majority between the sea and the
river in historical Palestine to serve the vision of a Jewish state and its
racial purity.
Therefore, their insistence, in partnership with the US, on
continuing the crime of aggression and the genocidal war by rejecting ceasefire
initiatives and providing all necessary means of war and unprecedented
destruction, reflects their desire for Gaza to be the beginning of more future
wars and expansions in the region to serve their goals. They are attempting to
implement this strategy on the Lebanese borders, inside Syria, and in the Bab
el-Mandeb strait. This necessitates the continued subjugation of forces and
countries in the region to US policies through persuasion and threats.
Initiatives are launched here and there to deal with the
genocidal war, preserving their face after the unprecedented cost of their
aggression and occupation in terms of lives, economic, and financial aspects,
which exacerbate internal conditions in the occupying state. This leads to
increased disputes on security and political levels, as well as within their
local and global Jewish community. Now, there is growing questioning of the
feasibility of their war and the increasing daily losses without achieving
their declared goals. Netanyahu's responsibility is also emphasized, especially
since he realizes that progressing in a prisoner exchange deal or ending the
war may jeopardize his alliance or lead to the end of his political life,
possibly facing legal accountability along with others in the security and
military leadership.
However, there is a vast difference between what the Israeli
plan desires and what it can achieve. Historical experience shows cases where
Palestinian resilience and resistance have thwarted many Israeli plans,
including displacement projects. Regarding our side, I believe, like many
others, that the official Palestinian stance should have been different, more
clearly commensurate with the scale of suffering and the recurring crime, its
forms of resistance, and confrontation. It should have been linked to the
reality of escalating international solidarity and the exposure of the true
image of the occupying state. It should have built on that by implementing all
the resolutions of the National and Central Councils of the PLO, especially
after the occupying state declared itself free from previous agreements,
specifically Oslo.
Additionally, given the rapid international changes,
including those related to international and local public opinion in our
homeland, as highlighted in recent polls, and the necessity for understanding
the pulse of the street, factors for the success of any plan cannot be achieved
without attention to them.
Hence, there is an urgent need to present a vision and
mechanisms related to the mentioned facts and the way out of what we have
reached due to the absence of review and critical evaluation, or the absence of
the content and mechanisms of the stage of national liberation in the last
decade and the absence of the right and duty of our people to participate in
legislative and presidential elections for seventeen years. There is also the
absence of actual elections for the institutions of the PLO.
Now there is a great opportunity to activate our political system to serve our
national interests and address the issues facing our people, especially in the
face of existing challenges. I believe this opportunity has become possible
without the need for stereotypical dialogue sessions that did not lead to the
end of the division. Instead, it is a result of existing challenges and the
sacrifices of our great people. All parties, including external forces within
the PLO, realize the importance of independent decision-making, a national
compass, and unity based on a resistant political program. This program aims to
complete the stage of liberation from the colonial occupation that occurred in
1967 and rejects all its projects.
I believe, like many others, that the official Palestinian stance should have been different, more clearly commensurate with the scale of suffering and the recurring crime, its forms of resistance, and confrontation. It should have been linked to the reality of escalating international solidarity and the exposure of the true image of the occupying state. It should have built on that by implementing all the resolutions of the National and Central Councils of the PLO, especially after the occupying state declared itself free from previous agreements, specifically Oslo.
This is particularly important after statements from Hamas
leaders, which I believe should be viewed today with new eyes that do not rely
on their previous positions, despite extensive past disagreements. Recent
statements from resistance organizations in Gaza regarding their view of the
dangers of the political stage and their understanding of the legitimacy of
international law and resolutions, in addition to their newly declared
understanding of the role of the national authority, should be taken seriously.
They view it as a gateway to an independent, sovereign, and democratic state
with its capital in Jerusalem, announced by Hamas, stating that it will be
discussed in Egypt in the proposed initiative.
This position is also within the framework of this changed
understanding of the upcoming stage, which must be immediately built upon by
expanding the membership of the PLO now to include all Palestinians,
encompassing all groups outside the PLO, national independents, civil society,
and youth. The PLO should activate its required role to form a consensus base
representing a comprehensive national vision as a purely Palestinian
initiative. This initiative should be based on political, geographical, and historical
unity for all the lands of the occupied State of Palestine, rejecting the plans
of the so-called "the next day for Gaza."
The focus should be on supporting the resistance in all
forms and confronting the political projects of the Israeli occupation and the
US. It aims to continue adhering to international legitimacy by declaring the
State of Palestine as recognized by an observer in the UNGA in 2012 as a state
under occupation. The goal is to stop the aggression and protect our people,
paving the way for a political horizon through an international umbrella with a
leading role for the EU, Russia, China, and other related states. This process
should lead to implementing non-negotiable principal issues such as the right
to self-determination and national independence according to international law
and resolutions. Additionally, it involves objecting to American interference
in various Palestinian affairs. The PLO should be a unified house and a title
for national democratic liberation toward ending the occupation.
Any accumulation of ongoing quantitative variables will eventually lead to
qualitative political transformations, possibly resulting in a change in the
political positions of parties in the international community. Thus, we, the
Palestinians, are contributing to the acceleration of ongoing transformative
events in the world’s international order and the mindset of the peoples of the
region, including ourselves. This contributes to the pursuit of a just peace
among peoples, based on equality and the exercise of inalienable national
rights.
Marwan is the former ambassador of Palestine to Athens
with an MSc in political science and, a BA in economics. He served as the
ambassador to Greece from 2013 to 2021, governor from 2009 to 2012, and served
as the deputy minister of tourism from 2004 to 2009.
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