A Region Held Hostage by Domestic Israeli Politics

(Photo: Envato Elements)
(Photo: Envato Elements)
(Photo: Envato Elements)

Nasser bin Nasser

The writer is founder and CEO of Ambit Advisory.

His Majesty King Abdullah II visited the White House last week for an impromptu meeting with President Biden. The meeting was followed by a regional tour conducted by Secretary Blinken where he met Egyptian, Palestinian and Israeli leaders. Both visits appeared to share the same objective; reduce tensions between Palestinians and Israelis amid an unprecedented spike in violence. This isn’t the first time that leaders meet to reduce tensions during outbreaks of hostilities between Palestinians and Israelis, but they come at a time that is anything but usual, especially given developments in Israel’s domestic politics and the trajectory of the country’s politics.اضافة اعلان

Netanyahu may have been jubilant by his return to the helm of Israeli’s politics late last year and indeed his very political survival following his ouster by a “anybody-but-Netanyahu” coalition in 2021. Nonetheless, his victory may have been short-lived because he quickly came to realize the near-impossible task before him of governing the most right-wing government in Israel’s history. In many respects, Netanyahu may have finally come to pay the price for pioneering and regularly employing populist politics in the 21st century and over his altogether sixteen-years in power; he has essentially created a monster that he and Israel’s political system will find increasingly difficult to control.
For many an unknown reason, and unlike almost every US Administration in recent history, the Biden Administration never had a peace proposal for the Palestinians and Israelis.
Provocative action and policies taken by his government have already created significant problems for Netanyahu and may have complicated some of his ambitions. Heightened tensions with Jordan over Jerusalem necessitated that he visits Amman and offer reassurances that there will be no unilateral action in Jerusalem to undermine Jordan’s custodianship of Muslim and Christian holy sites. President Biden also publicly and categorically affirmed Jordan’s role in the historic city during His Majesty’s visit, making it clear which side the US would back on the issue. In a similar vein, while Netanyahu has made no secret that establishing diplomatic relations Saudi Arabia would be a legacy-defining priority for his government, the makeup and actions of his government have led Saudi Arabia to publicly distance itself from any such eventuality, declaring that any normalization would not be possible without the establishment of an independent Palestinian state.
For the time being, the best that can be hoped for may be that sustained engagement by the US can help steer us away from an all-out crisis.
Eventually, Netanyahu’s effort to manage his coalition will run its course and either lead to widespread violence and instability and / or his ouster leading to yet another a political crisis in Israel. Observers suggest that levels of violence and tensions between Palestinians and Israelis are still at an all-time high, suggesting that we are still at the precipice of an all-out crisis. Crisis management efforts may not be as effective next time around, especially if Israel continues to take action or toy with policies to collapse the Palestinian Authority, annul the Oslo Accords, annex part or all of the West Bank or change the status quo in Jerusalem.

For many an unknown reason, and unlike almost every US Administration in recent history, the Biden Administration never had a peace proposal for the Palestinians and Israelis. Despite this, it can still play a critical role in crisis management by defusing tensions and reinforcing the status quo, regardless of how rapidly declining it may be. Arab countries continue to see tremendous bias and injustice in the US handling of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, and believe that US commitment to the increasingly faltering two-state solution is nothing more than lip service. Despite this, US views of the conflict are evolving, albeit gradually. This is evidenced by the level of public criticism that was leveled against the new Israeli government in the US media and among US Jewish organizations.

For the time being, the best that can be hoped for may be that sustained engagement by the US can help steer us away from an all-out crisis. To draw parallels from the Obama Administration, a New York Times investigation had uncovered that US officials had maintained a stream of visits to Israel that they jokingly referred to as “Bibi-sitting” in order to ensure that he would not order strikes against Iran. A similar approach may be needed to keep him from throwing the region further into disarray.


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