The West Bank file appears highly complex in the face of the risks of changing the identity of Jerusalem, the threat to Al Aqsa Mosque, and the situation across the entire West Bank, along with the risks of displacement toward Jordan or other countries.
اضافة اعلان
This file stirs a very sensitive discussion in closed rooms in Jordan, and at times the discussion leaks outside these rooms and becomes public. Some of it is rational and reasoned, while some of it is reactive, expressing a position rather than offering a fundamental solution to a potential crisis that may lie ahead.
Amid this crisis, it seems reasonable to ask about the West Bank file, and whether the question of the West Bank is a Jordanian one or a Palestinian one, because the discussion here in Amman appears more detailed and complex than the discussion inside the West Bank itself.
The reason for this is simple. The West Bank file relates to Jordanian national security, the country's internal composition, and the threats of displacement, in a country already overflowing with waves of migration. From another angle, the file is also tied to Jordan's custodianship of the holy sites, at a time when there are dangers threatening this custodianship, dangers that may surface precisely within the current timing.
We want Palestinian answers regarding the West Bank file, specifically the Oslo Authority's vision for this crisis, so that the answers are not left solely to Jordan, being the party most affected. Setting aside the usual political phrasing found in such answers, we ask the Oslo Authority and all Palestinian factions about their vision for confronting what is happening in the West Bank. Is the policy of preventing any reaction, under the pretext of denying Israel pretexts, an accomplished policy, or has it become one that grants Israel full space to act, demolish, arrest, and confiscate land in the West Bank?
What will the Authority and all its institutions and agencies do in the face of the project to dismantle it, weaken it, and ultimately eliminate its existence entirely? Who will inherit this void? How will mass displacement attempts be dealt with? What is the fate of the Oslo Accords? Are they still in effect, and what use are they if they do not stop everything Israel is doing inside the West Bank? What is the fate of military action in the West Bank if we are facing a tragedy under the umbrella of the Oslo Accords? Why does the Authority not move on the Arab and international levels before it is too late, and before the West Bank file turns into a Jordanian file, as is being planned, by turning the crisis into an internal Jordanian crisis through various factors?
Then, will the legislative elections actually be held in the West Bank, and can the Authority withstand the election results amid expectations of upsets that could go as far as replacing the official Palestinian order, after people in the West Bank and Gaza have reached their hardest conditions, and as factional trends, which never had this much space before, now dominate their views today amid frustration with the performance of the Authority and its various institutions?
The West Bank file is an extremely sensitive Palestinian file, to the point that the lack of consensus on a third Palestinian intifada, or on a formula for establishing a Palestinian state, is pushing the entire West Bank into the unknown, without our hearing of any unifying Palestinian project to confront the coming phase, amid division, economic strangulation, and the gradual dismantling of the Authority's role, an Authority that has always been accused of playing a merely functional role. We have every right to ask it now what it is waiting for in order to crystallize a movement or direction to confront the complete liquidation of the Palestinian cause.
The trouble with this question does not lie in exchanging accusations or distributing blame, but we ask whether there is room to crystallize a Palestinian, Arab, Islamic, and international response in the face of the encroachment on Jerusalem and the West Bank, so that the question does not shift to the East Bank of the Jordan River, as though the crisis were primarily a Jordanian one, when in fact it is a Palestinian crisis that naturally has a Jordanian reverberation. This reverberation requires Jordan, starting today, to prepare for a coming phase, and requires the Authority and all active parties in the West Bank to move preemptively, so that no one loses, or so that all parties are not harmed to varying degrees because of the Israeli occupation and what it is doing.
