Where is our parliament going? And is it the direction we want?

Parliament is perhaps our most pitiable government body, yet also the one with the most potential under the current modernizations.

Under recent changes, Parliament will become hybrid — part majoritarian and part proportional representation. Forty-one seats will be reserved for political parties in the next election. اضافة اعلان

In the following election, 50 percent of Parliament will go to parties, and the election after that will see 65 percent of Parliament reserved for political parties.

Based on regulations for party candidate lists, we will also see more women and youth in the Parliament.

Interestingly, some of our most active and outspoken (and controversial) MPs have been women — Toujan Faisal, Hind Al Faiz, Dima Tahboub, and Abla Abu Elbeh for example.

While it will be much more inclusive and geared towards developing a political identity, the powers of Parliament are not changing.

Citizens continue to lose trust in it, with 98 percent of Jordanians feeling it doesn’t do anything useful.  

Do citizens have a point?This Parliament has been an embarrassment whether it’s Osama Ajarmeh suggesting “cleansing Amman” or Emad Adwan smuggling rare birds and guns over the border (What is the exchange rate between exotic birds and automatic weapons anyway? Who sets that?) or offended MPs brawling over the term ‘female citizen’.

But those are just oddball personalities which every Parliament has. This Parliament especially is full of independent, centrist, pro-government first time elected MPs, mostly men, without clear policies or causes. Turnout in the 2020 elections, that brought them to power, was only 29.9 percent.

Parliament as an institution has some real issues. First, legislation is not (yet) a bottom-up process managed by representatives of the people.

While it will be much more inclusive and geared towards developing a political identity, the powers of Parliament are not changing.

Instead, it is de facto a top-down process with the government handing down legislation. That isn’t bad, necessarily, but it is important to know the process.

Second, MPs don’t have power over budget lines, just the budget in general. That is, they vote “yes” or “no” on the budget and if they object to a certain budget line, they have to reject the entire thing.

Finally, the oversight of government officials and actions is either negligible or symbolic. There is monitoring of Parliament by civil society and MPs are ranked based on attendance and number of questions submitted -— not on steps which the public would view as significant. But Parliament’s real power may be bolstered with the new changes after the next election.

Four things you should know
Parliament in Jordan has a bumpy history. Founded in 1950, the late King Abdullah I, already suspended it by 1951 due to conflicts with political parties. The late King Hussein reinstated it in 1954, and passed several reform laws to strengthen political parties and the role of Parliament.

However, regional events took over and he suspended Parliament from 1967 until 1989 when martial law ended. Since that time, Jordan’s Parliament has been less a thorn in the side of leadership and more of a tolerated, meek body with limited powers over the budget, government oversight, or legislation. 

How an idea becomes a law
First, a law is usually introduced by the government. Then the law and its justification go to Parliament. The Speaker gives it to the MPs at least three days before the bill is discussed (unless determined to be an urgent bill).

If the Parliament approves a discussion about the bill, it goes to the relevant Committee for comments. If Parliament refuses the law, it goes directly to the Senate. (Jordan has a system coming down from ancient Rome with the parliament from the people and the Senate as a more august body from a more experienced elite class) If the committee has the law, it will interview the author of the bill, make their comments, print it, and distribute it to all MPs at least five days before the vote (which also includes votes on committee recommendations).

After the vote it goes to the Senate. If the Senate also approves it goes to the government. If the Senate changes anything it goes back to Parliament. If the Senate and Parliament cannot agree even through a joint session for discussion, it is discarded, and cannot be introduced until the next term. If agreement is reached, it goes to the King.  

Who controls the Parliament?
First, there is an office of Parliamentary relations in the Prime Minister’s office. Second, there is a Ministry of Parliamentary and Political Affairs.

As an elected body, Parliament is outnumbered. If you combine the two bodies, there are more bureaucrats to oversee Parliament than there are members inside of it.

Parliament — ideally — should be answerable to the people that elected them. Giving parties a role in the institution is a start.

Parties would also connect MPs to their party colleagues in the Senate and in local government. Imagine a future where a Senator, MP, mayor, and municipal councilor all belong to the same party and are all in touch on a joint platform. It could happen. But as long as Parliament is a sea of independents with limited power, and heavily managed from above, it will remain an informal lobby mechanism, a discussion forum, and a hub for favors, not a tool for the people’s representation. 

What do MPs do? 
MPs in Jordan have official work, unofficial work, and a gray area between. Independents largely focus on representing the interests of their constituents and bringing government and resources back to their region.

Very few MPs actively try to initiate legislation. Many MPs do not even comment on active legislation. MPs can also submit parliamentary questions and hundreds are given every year, but by a core group of about two dozen.

Finally, the oversight of government officials and actions is either negligible or symbolic. There is monitoring of Parliament by civil society and MPs are ranked based on attendance and number of questions submitted - not on steps which the public would view as significant. But Parliament’s real power may be bolstered with the new changes after the next election.

We usually see comments and questions from a select group of active MPs like Khalil Attieh and Saleh Armouti.

Unofficially, MPs grant a lot of favors. If you have spent time with a Jordanian MP, you notice their phone is always ringing and it suffers an earthquake of message notifications. These are not notices of an emergency law going to the floor of Parliament, but rather requests for employment, help navigating bureaucracy, favor in procurement or licensing, contacts, or lobbying. The gray area is in between, when government attention or resources are channeled to specific groups or people. This is the mystery of wasta we hear about. 

MPs are busy. Many of them are dedicated, I do not mean to imply otherwise. But as time and needs have shifted, so have the daily schedules of MPs shifted from official oversight or legislating to focusing on needs and favors of constituents. That’s why giving 41 seats to political parties could change so much.

Here is my take
What would need to change for us to say an MP is effective? First, he or she needs to be part of a coalition with vision and a platform. Second, they need to know the country and its problems.

Finally, they develop solutions. It sounds simple but is incredibly time consuming and often thankless. Yelling in TikTok videos about unemployment or water or Palestine is pure populism unless they have ideas and plans.

Jordanians have previously chosen to vote for services over ideology. Even ideological parties like the IAF know this and focus on local services and support. But this will change as 41 seats go to parties who won’t have that connection to direct services for constituents.

So, what makes a good MP will likely change, and I think for the better. Now parties and MPs will need to provide services but also develop a vision for the Kingdom, successfully communicate it, and give voters some idea of how they differ from the 30-some other parties that will be on the ballot. 

Currently, to introduce legislation it takes 10 or more MPs. In the absence of parties our Parliament has relied on blocs but these have largely been impotent. If the individual MPs all have separate constituencies to cater to, they never develop a group goal to advance.

I am an optimist here. Really! The inclusion in Parliament is important. The development of a political identity in voters is fascinating. The debate over national visions by party groups in Parliament could be exciting. A lot still has to happen, and much depends on the parties doing their best to use this opportunity. But our Parliament can move from the lame institution it has been to more of a real voice of the people.


Katrina Sammour was first published on Full Spectrum Jordan, a weekly newsletter on SubStack. 


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