Dominik Bartsch has been the UNHCR Representative to the
Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan since 2020. From 2005–2006 he served as a
humanitarian affairs officer at UN Peacekeeping in Geneva. From 2006–2008 he
served in the UN Office of Peacebuilding Support, and was subsequently deployed
to the Executive Office of the Secretary-General. Earlier assignments with the
UN include operations in Afghanistan, Kenya, Zambia, and Trinidad and Tobago.
From 2008–2015 he held various positions at UNHCR, from operations manager in
Sudan to deputy humanitarian coordinator in Iraq. Then, from 2017–2019, he
served as UNHCR representative to Germany.
اضافة اعلان
This interview has been edited for length
and clarity.
H.D. Wright: What first drew you to the life of a
humanitarian?
Dominik Bartsch: I’m an accidental humanitarian. I was
originally trained to be a development economist. My very first exposure with
development agencies was dealing with foreign investment — intellectually
fulfilling, but I couldn’t attribute my work to any direct change in the lives
of people. I was naturally drawn to working in a field that would allow me to
trace the impact I was making. After my very first job, I came to UNHCR, and
since then I always had the sense of knowing that I serve people. Coming home
in the evening, I would know exactly what I have contributed to. I know I have
supported the betterment of a group of people who are among the most destitute
refugees.
“In any society, the readiness to admit refugees is greatest when it concerns the neighbors for the simple reason that they are known.”
HDW: If I’m not mistaken, you are of German origin. In 1992, roughly
around the time you began working in the humanitarian sector, xenophobic riots
took place in the Lichtenhagen district of Rostock, Germany, marking the worst
mob attacks against migrants in post-war Germany. And throughout the 90s, hate
crimes rose from roughly 800 in 1991 to nearly 1,500 in 1992, continuing to
rise throughout the decade. As you entered your career caring for refugees, how
did you reckon with the rise of anti-refugee sentiment?
DB: What we witness in several countries across the West is
basically a mindset that is not defined per-say as xenophobic or anti-foreigner
or anti-refugee, but is premised on harkening back to traditional values. The
fact that many of those movements coincide with national issues around the
admission of refugees is more of a trigger. Rapid globalization has left many
people deeply disillusioned and unsure of where they fit in. They have relied
on set values, and all of a sudden are exposed to many different movements
within society that are thoroughly destabilizing. The psychological explanation
is perhaps some form of discombobulation — not being sure of who you are. In searching
to affirm identity, some people fall back on simple explanations and radical
ideas.
The debate has divided
society into one group who wants to help, and another who objects to that very
notion. Sometimes there are very strong ideological views, but with time, they
are watered down. The situation evolves.
In 2015, close to a million
Syrians arrived in Germany. Of course, there were massive challenges in the
beginning. They didn’t speak any German. There was no real master plan on how
to absorb them into the workforce. Today, seven years later, more than 80
percent of those Syrian arrivals are working. They have learned German. They
have entered the labor market. They have integrated into German society —
joining the local football club, having a barbeque with the neighbors — those typical German pastimes. That
normalcy completely takes the pressure out of the populist agenda.
“Speaking for UNHCR, we are not just providing assistance to refugees—we are trying to solve the refugee crisis, and the most important solution is an eventual return to the country of origin.”
HDW: I’d like
to hear your response to a quote, if you would be so kind as to oblige. Björn
Höcke, head of the Alternative for Germany (AfD) political party, said: “Let’s
not forget, the Syrian who comes to us has still his Syria. The Afghan who
comes to us has still his Afghanistan. But if we lose our Germany, then we have
no more home!”
DB: This
is standard fare in populist propaganda. It is the fear of being subjugated by
another culture, of losing your identity. It is easy for politicians to play on
that fear, to magnify it. If you are sober-minded in your historical analysis,
you will find many examples of both forced and voluntary migration that have
provided many more benefits than challenges to one’s identity. When a group of
Parsi refugees arrived in India, the king in Gujarat did not want to let them
stay. To make the point, the king filled a glass with milk, and said “The glass
if full. There is no space left for you.” The leader of the Parsis then poured
a few spoons of sugar into the glass of milk, stirred it slowly, and said,
“This is how we will be.”
What is very interesting is how societies respond to refugees from
neighboring countries as opposed to those arriving from further afield. They
have seen people from this country. They are culturally close to us. In any
society, the readiness to admit refugees is greatest when it concerns the
neighbors for the simple reason that they are known. The refugee convention is
premised on a global definition of who should be considered a refugee,
regardless of where they may come from.
“Every refugee in Jordan knows about resettlement. The reality is that very few depart for other countries. We would like to change that, but it is dependent on countries making spaces available”
HDW: In an interview with the Dag Hammarskjöld
Foundation, you discussed choosing to rely on existing community structures in
Dadaab refugee camp, Kenya, when the UNHCR could not operate due to security
concerns. Intrinsic in that choice is the notion that refugees have much to
offer, not only to their own communities, but also to the societies into which
they are welcomed. How do you think UN funds can ensure the full diversity of
local communities — young people, women and girls, local leaders, and existing
local NGOs — are consulted and empowered to co-create humanitarian programs?
DB: When you’re talking about jobs for
refugees, there is clearly an appreciation that refugees should not receive
better treatment than nationals. When it comes to unemployment, the
government’s concern is citizens. At the same time, you have an incredible
skill set in the refugee community. You have highly educated refugees who can
make contributions in areas in which there is no competition from nationals.
To come back to the example
of Dadaab, we have similar examples of success in Jordan. Two days ago, I was
in Azraq refugee camp, where, with the help of big donors, a massive solar
plant had been set up. Today, that entire facility is run by a refugee. He
already had experience and skills, but he was trained in the requirements for
that particular plant, and now he has a professional contract. Especially in
the camps, that is the future. We need to look harder to utilize expertise in
the refugee community.
HDW: Arab nations are woefully ill-equipped to
holistically support refugees. In Zaatari, the caravans, which have a life span
of six to eight years, are falling into disrepair, with broken windows and
warped walls. Outside the camp, the situation is bleak: unemployment in Jordan
is at 25 percent with youth unemployment at a record 48 percent. Given these
startling statistics, and the stress overwhelmingly placed on Arab governments,
how do you think Western governments, specifically the US, can support Arab
host nations?
DB: The
US is the biggest donor to Jordan by far. It is not for me to suggest how that
incredibly strong relationship could be strengthened further. Speaking for
UNHCR, we are not just providing assistance to refugees — we are trying to
solve the refugee crisis, and the most important solution is an eventual return
to the country of origin. Right now, refugees do not feel safe going back to
their home countries.
“We join hands with the government of Jordan to advocate for continued support. I am confident that we will find a good way forward that will help refugees and provide continued support to Jordan.”
Economic integration is the second option, so that refugees have access
to economic opportunities, can therefore support themselves, and contribute
economically to the host government. There are already some refugees who are
working and paying taxes. They are supporting Jordanian society. How much
better than that can it get?
Resettlement is the third option. Some states grant a quota to accept
referrals from the UNHCR for individuals with specific challenges who would
then be considered for admission to that third country. Sometimes medical
treatment is not available, or security challenges, or some other issue
undermines the ability of the refugee to enjoy the protection of the host
government. Because it is completely dependent on the ability of receiving
countries to make such places available, resettlement only provides for 1
percent of the actual needs. Every refugee in Jordan knows about resettlement.
The reality is that very few depart for other countries. We would like to
change that, but it is dependent on countries making spaces available.
Jordan has been magnanimous in its welcome of Syrian refugees. It has
made significant policy concessions, accepting refugees into the labor market,
into education, into health services. This was unique by global standards. We
must not take Jordan for granted. Jordan took a very courageous step when the
crisis started. It did so operating from the understanding that there would be
continued support from the international community to help it carry that
burden. Because of global developments such as Ukraine, there is a palpable
concern that support may be slowly dwindling. We join hands with the government
of Jordan to advocate for continued support. I am confident that we will find a
good way forward that will help refugees and provide continued support to
Jordan.
H.D. Wright is the Youth Representative at Education
Cannot Wait, the United Nations fund for education in emergencies. As the first
young person democratically elected to the governing body of a global
humanitarian fund, he represents more than 80 youth-led NGOs on the Executive
Committee and High-Level Steering Group of the fund chaired by UN Special Envoy
for Education Gordon Brown. On International Youth Day, he launched the Youth
Democracy Movement.
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